Background Knowledge Related To Past Research Education Essay

This subdivision provides background cognition related to past research undertaken with the purpose of better understanding the consequence of smaller category sizes on academic accomplishment in primary and secondary classs. After a brief overview of early surveies prior to the 1980s, the focal point will turn to the influential state-mandated experiments implemented at the oncoming of 1990s province and federal answerability plans. Constructing on the ascertained demands for future research, this reappraisal does non mean to turn to public policy inquiries such as the cost-effectiveness of little class-size plans. Alternatively, it focuses on the possible academic benefits of such plans as they are related to increasing academic accomplishment. Last, a theoretical theoretical account of the kineticss between category size and academic accomplishment will be suggested, taking into history variables such as student-factors ( e.g. , motive, pro-social behaviour, anti-social behaviour ) , teacher-factors ( e.g. , instructional patterns, pupil interactions ) , and contextual-factors ( e.g. , school organisation, scheduling, internal administration ) . Cardinal to the survey will be whether smaller categories every bit benefit all pupils. Prior to analyzing the relationship between category size and accomplishment, it is necessary to specify these footings. Specifying Class Size and Student Achievement Today, the concept of category size encompasses a broad assortment of instructional scenes runing from pupil one-on-one tutoring to internet online categories functioning several hundred pupils at one clip. Likewise, the construct of â€Å" little † and â€Å" smaller † category size evolved greatly in the class of the twentieth century. While category size denotes the mean figure of pupils entrusted in the attention of one instructor over the class of one twelvemonth, pupil-to-teacher ratio refers to the figure of pupils within a local educational authorization divided by the figure of certificated forces serving the pupil population employed by the organisation ( Achilles, n.d. ) . Teacher-student ratio denotes the same concept. Differences between pupil-teacher ratio and category sizes were found to be every bit big as 10 pupils. In a nutshell, given a student-teacher ratio of 17 pupils to one instructor in a given edifice, the existent schoolroom burden may be every bit big as 27 pupils for one instructor ( Achilles, Finn, & A ; Pate-Bain, 2002 ) . Yet, in malice of these differences, the literature related to instructional scenes has used mistakenly both constructs interchangeably. While existent category size may change during the twelvemonth or even during the same twenty-four hours, pupil-teacher ratio are normally smaller since they may include certificated forces non assigned to one schoolroom or assigned to smaller categories such as those typically required to serve particular need pupils. To paraphrase the above comment, although both concepts are extremely correlated, it is likely that student-teacher ratios will be well lower than the one calculated by the existent category size concept. In fact, it is merely at the schoolroom degree that both prosodies may be indistinguishable ( Achilles, n.d. ) , presuming that pupils are non pulled out during the twenty-four hours. This being said, student-to-staff ratios in public school steadily decreased from 35:1 in 1890, to 28:1 in 1940, and 20:1 in 1970 ( Hanushek & A ; Rivkin, 1997 ) . Hanushek comments that in the period 1950-94, the pupil-teacher ratio has dropped 35 % . Yet, accomplishment in mathematics, scientific discipline and reading as measured by the National Assessment of Educational Progress ( NAEP ) has remained systematically level over the last three decennaries of the twentieth century ( Hanushek, 1998 ; Johnson, 2002 ) . Although these figures suggests that take downing the student-teacher ratios does non interpret additions in academic accomplishment, the advocates of smaller category sizes point out at the altering nature of instruction. Indeed, the growing of specialised countries of direction such as particular instruction gives the semblance that category size have been reduced ( Achilles, et al. , 2002 ) by take downing the pupil-teacher ratio while category size itself remained co nsistent or even increased over the same period. Other research workers ( Biddle & A ; Berliner, 2002 ; Greenwald, Hedges, & A ; Laine, 1996 ) further contend that Hanushek ‘s decisions lack external cogency since the sample groups used in his surveies were little and non representative of the whole U.S. population. Furthermore, the usage of student-teacher ratios uncontrolled for other features to depict category supposedly hides confusing variables ( Biddle & A ; Berliner, 2002, 2003 ) . Similarly, research in the country of category size and academic accomplishment focused on progressively smaller sizes, comparing categories comprised of between 15 and 35 pupils. For case, while Rice ( 1902 ) compared the effectivity of categories runing from under 40 pupils, 40 to 49 pupils, and 50 pupils and over, ulterior surveies carried out in the 1980s focused on much smaller category sizes, typically of 15 to 22 pupils versus 23 to 35 pupils ( Molnar, et al. , 1999 ; Nye, Hedges, & A ; Konstantopoulos, 2000 ; Shapson, Wright, Eason, & A ; Fitzgerald, 1980 ) . In some surveies, such as the first meta-analysis on category size conducted by Glass and Smith ( 1979 ) and Glass, et Al. ( 1982 ) , the research would besides include comparings of categories of 25 pupils or more with one-on-one tutoring ( category size of one ) . Research workers such as Slavin ( 1986 ) pointed out that such broad fluctuations between category sizes badly undermined the external cogency of such survei es. Since most of the educational policies involved category size decreases to smaller categories of a upper limit of 15 pupils and given that most of the surveies carried out since the late seventies included comparings of such categories, this reappraisal of literature will non describe surveies comparing the effectivity of one-on-one tutoring to whole category direction. The trouble of specifying the construct of little category size is further compounded by multiple methods of ciphering student-teachers ratios and the complexness of school maestro class agendas. Although research workers agree category size is a ratio affecting pupils and teachers, surveies have been inconsistent or even soundless as to how such ratios are obtained. In the large-scale Coleman Report ( 1966 ) , category size was obtained by spliting the pupil population within a edifice by the figure of module, including non-instructional staff such as librarian clerks who do non teach categories. Since the primary intent of the Coleman Report was to detect the impact of racial segregation on accomplishment in American school, category size was, ipso facto, aggregated to other steps of â€Å" school facilities/resources † and did non account satisfactorily for the impact of category sizes on accomplishment within the larger context of public instruction. Trusting on the availa ble informations, from big samples of convenience and questionnaires, the survey was unable to insulate the impact of category size and accomplishment. Furthermore, other factors such as non-assigned instruction staff, disengagement of pupils for differentiated direction, or even little group workshops taking topographic point at assorted times of the twenty-four hours besides introduce complications in ciphering student-teacher ratios. Class size in itself includes considerable fluctuations ( such as allotted clip, pupil features, instructional methods, class degrees, capable countries ) , which, if left vague, may do an underestimate of the true relationship with pupil accomplishment would otherwise suggest ( Ehrenberg, Brewer, Gamoran, & A ; Willms, 2001a ) . Clearly category size and student-teacher ratios do non compare in that the latter does non account for the existent schooling context in which pupil are larning and there is no understanding among research workers on a standardised method of ciphering such ratios. In the concluding analysis, the research worker must be expressed when specifying his concepts. Adcock suggests a on the job definition of category size as â€Å" the entire figure of pupils enrolled on the last school twenty-four hours of the twelvemonth divided by the derived school figure of nucleus instructors employed on the last of the school twelvemonth of [ a given ] school † ( Adcock & A ; Winkler, 1999, April, p. 9 ) . Such constructed statistic of category size considers merely those instructors assigned to academic topics: English/language humanistic disciplines, societal science/history, mathematics and scientific discipline. The construct of academic accomplishment or academic public presentation in the present survey refers to the single norm- or criterion-referenced standardised steps administered largely at the province degree ( i.e. Iowa Test of Basic Skills [ ITBS ] , California Standards Test [ CST ] , National Assessment of Educational Progress [ NAEP ] or Stanford Achievement Test [ SAT ] , to call a few standardised trials normally used in the K-12 ) . Academic accomplishment differs from academic attainment in that information mensurating academic public presentation are collected at regular intervals for the intent of mensurating advancement. Academic attainment, on the other manus, denotes making educational ends or mileposts that enhance one ‘s social position, such as graduation from an educational establishment, or even traveling up the socio-economic ladder. Although most research will advert separate aggregated academic accomplishment consequences in one or more of the four nucleus topics ( mathematics, linguistic communication humanistic disciplines, societal surveies, and scientific discipline ) for the assorted groups of pupils being observed, some surveies, peculiarly meta-analyses such as Glass & A ; Smith ( 1979 ) , combined the achievement public presentation for deficiency of more specific informations. Although one could gestate other methods of mensurating schooling result, such as reliable appraisal, standardised testing is more readily available as a measuring. By and big, such quantifiable measurings are readily available and will be used extensively in the present survey normally reported. Historical Context of Class Size Research Equally early as the bend of the twentieth century, category size and its effects on academic accomplishment elicited the involvement of educational research workers. At that clip, the focal point was on simple instruction, and more meagerly on the secondary degree ( Glass, et al. , 1982 ) . From 1900s to 1920s, surveies followed Rice ‘s ( 1902 ) footfalls ; nevertheless, these were shown to incorporate minimum experimental control ( Glass, et al. , 1982 ) . By the early 1930s, most of the research attempts related to category size went hibernating until the involvement resurfaced in the sixtiess when pupil accomplishment was correlated with school resources ( Glass, et al. , 1982 ) . Experimental and quasi-experimental research on the subject greatly expanded in the late seventies and early 80s, with the turning unease across the state that public instruction was neglecting childs. Two public studies sparked a renewed involvement in school reforms and category size research: A State at Risk ( Gardner, Larsen, Baker, & A ; Campbell, 1983 ) and the Coleman Report ( Coleman, et al. , 1966 ) . In the aftermath of the successful launch of Sputnik by the Soviet Union in 1957, the domination of the United States was no longer taken for granted at place ; this crisis of assurance culminated twenty old ages subsequently with the publication of a State at Risk ( Gardner, et al. , 1983 ) indicating at the diminution of SAT tonss from 1960s to the 1980s and at the ensuing deficiency of international fight of the American educational system. At the province degree, boards of instruction closely monitored big plans of category size decrease launched statewide in Tennessee and Wisconsin ; similar actions commanding category size was seen as an easy authorization for public instruction entities to implement ( Addonizio & A ; Phelps, 2000 ) . Furthermore, sentiments in the sixtiess were divided as one wondered whether the expected addition in academic accomplishment realized through the execution of smaller category size would warrant the extra disbursement of public monies. The large-scale â€Å" province of instruction † research published by Coleman ( 1966 ) attributed differences in accomplishment among pupils to household environment, defined as the figure of books available in the place or the socio-economic position of the unit, and downplayed the function of schooling context, including category size, in pupil accomplishment. In a commissioned paper design to edify public policy in instruction, the Coleman Report ( 1966 ) , utilizing standardised trial tonss and questionnaires from instructors and principals, measured the academic accomplishment of more than 150,000 pupils in classs 1 to 12 and found category size to be a negligible factor in pupil accomplishment on standardised norm-referenced trials in verbal abilities and mathematics: â€Å" Some installations steps, such as the pupil/teacher ratio in direction, are non included [ in the study ] because they showed a consistent deficiency of relation to achievement among all groups under all conditions † ( Coleman, et al. , 1966, p. 312 ) . Ignoring the possible impact of category size on pupil accomplishment, Coleman concluded that the socio-economic background of the pupil, the societal composing of the pupil organic structure and the features of the environing community are cardinal factors to explicate differences in academic accomplishment among pupils. However, in the Coleman Report, category size was non clearly analyzed as a possible contributing factor ; alternatively category size was combined with other factors such as text edition and library handiness under the overall umbrella factor â€Å" school facilities/resources. † Again, it must be emphasized that, in the Coleman Report, category size was defined by spliting the pupil registration by the figure of school employees within a edifice, a possible beginning of mistake doing a hapless estimation of the true relationship between the category size and academic accomplishment. Much like in other econometric surveies carried out since ( Hanushek, 1998 ; Rivkin, Hanushek, & A ; Kain, 2005 ; Wossmann & A ; West, 2006 ) , teacher wages and other input variables used as a replacement for existent category size may dissemble confusing variables. Rather than concentrating on absolute accomplishment in a inactive manner, it would be of greater involvement to find: ( 1 ) the fringy additions obtained in little categories over clip through clip series analysis ; and, ( 2 ) whether pupils with different features respond to intervention in the same manner ( Ehrenberg, Brewer, Gamoran, & A ; Willms, 2001b ) . Possibly, the most compelling expostulations to the decisions made in the Coleman Report stems from its analysis of instruction at a given point in clip. However, the same study brought into visible radiation other possible confusing factors in the relationship between category size and pupil accomplishment, such as the value of the resources allotted to the schools, the features of direction including teacher and category size, the features of the school ( such as civilization ) , and the features of the community. This argument over the effectivity of smaller categories illustrates the divergent and sometimes beliing involvements between authorities functionaries and the pupils ‘ households when trying to reply the inquiry of the economic value of instruction and the cost benefit of smaller category sizes ( Mitchell & A ; Mitchell, 2003 ) . Research Synthesiss In an attempt of developing a first comprehensive meta-analysis on the relationship between category size and pupil accomplishment, Glass and Smith ( 1979 ) retrieved published empirical category size surveies and thesiss since the bend of 1900s, happening over 300 experimental and quasi-experimental surveies incorporating useable quantitative informations. Concentrating on 77 experimental surveies depicting 725 mated comparisons/combinations of pupil category sizes loosely categorized in four types, less than 16 pupils, 17 to 23 pupils, 24 to 34 pupils, and over 35 pupils, Glass and Smith looked at the achievement trial consequences of about 900,000 pupils over a 70 twelvemonth span in a twelve states. Glass and Smith ( 1978, 1979 ) foremost approximated the relationship between category size and accomplishment by utilizing the theoretical account, based on standardised achievement mean differences between braces of smaller ( S ) and larger ( L ) categories divided by the within group standard divergence. Following, instead than making a matrix with rows and columns stand foring the category sizes and the intersecting cell the values of, Glass and Smith used the arrested development theoretical account: = I?0 + I?1S + I?2S2 + I?3S2 + I?3 ( L-S ) + I µ to aggregate the findings. Since construing the theoretical account in footings of class-size and achievement involves at least three or more dimensions, Glass and Smith imposed a consistence status on all ‘s to deduce a individual curve from the complex arrested development surface. Enforcing randomly the average z-score accomplishment of 0 to the class-size of 30, the concluding reading of the theoretical account was represe nted by a individual arrested development curve for accomplishment onto category size. When compared to larger categories of 40 pupils, smaller categories of 30, 20, 10 and 1 pupils showed standardised differential accomplishment effects of -.05, .05, .26, and.57, severally. Likewise, when compared to larger categories of 25 pupils, smaller categories of 20, 15, 10, 5, and 1 pupil showed standardised differential accomplishment effects of.04, .13, .26, .41, and.55, severally. Those consequences included achievement consequences in mathematics, linguistic communication humanistic disciplines, and scientific discipline. One-half of these arrested development analyses involved quasi-experimental or convenience assignment of pupils to either big or little groups. Translating these z-scores into percentile ranks, the additions in the 25 versus 20, 15, 10, 5, and 1 comparings are 4, 5, 10, 16, 21 percentile rank, severally. From the initial 725 mated comparings of pupil accomplishment in both smaller and larger groups, 435 ( 60 % ) comparings favored smaller category constellations by demoing an addition in academic accomplishment. Yet, this addition was non quantified. Achievement was defined either as combined standardised pupil consequences in one or more capable. When concentrating on 160 braces of categories of about 18 and 28 pupils, the meta-analysis suggested even more distinguishable differences in accomplishment: In 111 cases ( 69 % ) smaller categories demonstrated a higher degree of academic accomplishment over the larger categories. Again, this consequence was non quantified. Regressions analyses based logarithmic theoretical accounts favored smaller categories by about one ten percent of a standard divergence for the complete set of comparings. It is of import to observe that merely 109 of the 725 initial comparings involved random experimental designs in a sum of 14 surveies, 81 % of which found smaller category sizes led to increased academic accomplishment as measured by standardised trials or other steps, such as figure of publicity to the following class degree. Others types of category assignment reported in the 725 comparings included: ( 1 ) matched: 236 comparings ; ( 2 ) repeated steps: 18 ; and ( 3 ) uncontrolled: 362 comparings. The last type of methodological analysis involved quasi-experiments that finally weakens conclusive treatment related to the relationship between category size and academic accomplishment. Possibly for this ground, Glass ( 1982 ) further analyzed the consequences of the 14 random experimental surveies. Further separating accomplishment additions for fewer and greater than 100 hours of direction clip, an mean pupil taught in a category of 20 pupils would make a degree of accomplishment higher than that of 60 % of pupils taught in a category of 40 pupils. At the utmost point of comparing, a pupil instructed in a category of five pupils would surpass a pupil in a category of 40 pupils by 30 percentile ranks. This survey efficaciously demonstrated that pupils in smaller category achieve at a higher degree. Yet, even in the instance of experimental comparings, consequence sizes are limited unless the size of the little category beads below 20 pupils. Glass and Smith argue in favour of smaller category size. Two of import issues seem to weaken the statement that smaller categories are more effectual than larger 1s. First, the 109 comparings were really aggregated by the writers into about 30 comparings. In many cases, the same larger and smaller groups and their public presentations had been evaluated on the footing of different conditions, such as sum of direction or capable countries. In other instances, the capable countries measured were combined. Second, consequences reported reflect the public presentation of disparate sizes, such as category of 1 pupil vs. category of 30 pupils, or a category of 5 pupils vs. a category of 30 pupils. Education Research Services ( 1980 ) claims that the Glass and Smith meta-analysis overemphasizes the public presentation of highly little instructional scene, one to five pupils. Hedges and Stock ( 1983 ) proceeded to reanalyze the Glass meta-analysis and stated that, and gave proof to the determination that category sizes below 20s pupils are efficac iously more contributing to advancing academic accomplishment. Subsequently, this initial analysis by Glass ( 1979 ) was further expanded ( Glass, et al. , 1982 ) to include the deductions for educational policy determinations. Although the literature tends to depict category sizes below nine pupils as tutoring scene, a context beyond the range of the present survey, it is notable to advert the meta-analysis carried out on category sizes of nine pupils or less ( Cohen, Kulik, & A ; Kulik, 1982 ) . At the bosom of the contention, we find the really construct of practical significance and matter-of-fact deductions of systemic alterations towards take downing category sizes. Smaller category sizes seem to be effectual. However, larger effects are noticed in category size of less than 20 pupils. In their meta-analysis of tutoring categories of 9 pupils or less, Cohen, et Al. ( 1982 ) measured consequence sizes based on 65 surveies. Their findings confirmed Glass greater consequence size s ( differences of agencies of both experimental and control groups divided by the standard divergence of the control group ) in favour of smaller category sizes. Interestingly, groups tutored by equals achieved a greater addition than those entrusted in the instruction of regular instructors. This once more intimations at the demand to foster place context variables. Clearly, category size entirely does non do greater academic accomplishment. Both Glass surveies confirmed the sentiment mostly spread in educational circles that little category sizes were more contributing to student larning. The part of this meta-analysis to the research country is treble: it established the benefit of category size below 20 pupils ; gave the drift for statewide experimental class-size decrease ; and, eventually emphasized the function of learning procedures, such as clip on undertaking, as implicit in grounds doing the positive impact of smaller category size on academic accomplishment. However, limited figure of experimental analyses retained by Glass, et Al. ( 1982 ) caused cogency concerns: Slavin ( 1989 ) contended that, by restricting the meta-analysis to merely 14 experimental surveies, the Glass, et all decisions lost in external cogency and generalizability what was gained in internal cogency. Based on the scrutiny of Glass, et Al. ( 1982 ) , it seems that the lone ample consequence was found when comparing 10-student categories vs. a 30 pupil categories and the greatest consequence of category size on pupil accomplishment is without a uncertainty one-on-one tutoring. However, the most common application of the construct of smaller category size would compare differences in accomplishment between groups of 14-20 pupils vs. 30 or more pupils in one category. Slavin ( 1989 ) introduced a best grounds synthesis, uniting the elements found in meta-analysis with narrative reappraisal. He selected eight random category assignment surveies comparing the consequences of standardised reading and mathematics trials in smaller and larger categories at the simple degree. Surveies had to compare larger categories to categories at least 30 % smaller with a student/teacher ratio non transcending 20:1. The selected surveies analyzed smaller category size plans of at least one twelvemonth in continuance, with either random assignment to alternate category sizes, or fiting stipulations. Effect sizes were based on the difference between the little category accomplishment mean ( experimental group ) and the larger category accomplishment mean ( command group ) divided by post-test standard divergence of the control group. This is the same definition of consequence size introduced by Glass and Smith. On norm, these surveies compared groups of 27 pupils to g roups of 15 pupils. Even though these eight surveies were well-controlled and documented surveies, the average consequence size observed was merely +.13 ( Slavin, 1989, p. 251 ) . Discussions about such little effects as measured by standardised trials in both mathematics and linguistic communication humanistic disciplines seem to indicate at the instructor instructional bringing staying consistent regardless of the category size. The type of interactions, such as expressed direct direction, between pupils and instructors had already been identified as an influential factors in the Coleman study ( 1966 ) . This observation was once more echoed by Glass, et Al. ( 1982 ) as they note that category size is merely one variable impacting effectual direction. In the aftermath of a contention on appropriate usage of support for underachieving schools, the Educational Research Service ( ERS ) published a study ( Porwoll, 1978 ) on the province of the research on category size mentioning over 100 surveies which suggested little consequence sizes, most of which were correlational with some or small control of other variables such as teacher- , student- , and school-related contexts. Although this peculiar research was inconclusive, a subsequent Erbium survey carried out one decennary subsequently corroborated the findings of Glass and Smith ( Robinson & A ; Wittebols, 1986 ) and besides added an of import component to their treatments. Although smaller category sizes seem positively associated with an addition in academic accomplishment, smaller category sizes entirely do non ensue in increased pupil public presentation. Adding on to Glass ‘ meta-analysis and Slavin ‘s best grounds synthesis, Robinson used the related bunch attack to reexamine K-12 research surveies conducted between 1950 and 1985, affecting category sizes greater than five pupils. Studies were aggregated within bunchs stand foring of import factors act uponing category size determinations: capable affairs, class degrees, pupil profiles, instructional patterns, and pupil behaviours. The impact of category size on pupil accomplishment â€Å" varies by class degree, student features, capable countries, learning methods, and other learning intercessions. † ( Robinson, 1990, p. 90 ) Robinson and Wittebols meta-analysis unluckily does non supply any consequence sizes but simply sort the surveies as to important differences, prefering little category sizes, larger category sizes, or bearing no consequence on academic accomplishment. Robinson conclude that positive consequence of category size are consistent in grade k-3, rebuff in classs 4-8, and unperceivable in grades 9-12. Furthermore, lower SES pupils are found to profit most of smaller category sizes. Again, these decisions do non include consequence sizes. Nevertheless, Robinson ‘s survey clarifies the construct that optimum category size is a absurd inquiry. Smaller category sizes benefit pupils otherwise, harmonizing to their societal contexts, personal background, grade degree, and academic topic. The observation that smaller category size entirely does non interpret into academic accomplishment ties in with the observations of Coleman ( 1966 ) and a latter version of Glass ‘ meta-analyses ( Glass, et al. , 1982 ) , which acknowledges that category size entirely does non hold a causal consequence on pupil accomplishment. Given this context, the focal point must switch from a direct relationship between category size to academic accomplishment to the existent mechanisms that link smaller category size to higher academic accomplishment. This reading of anterior research by Robinson announced a new way that recognized the complexness of the relationship between academic accomplishment and category size. The demand to command potentially confusing variables such as pupil past academic public presentation, already emphasized by Glass, et Al. ( 1982 ) , became cardinal in most post-1980s category size surveies as research workers recognized that surveies carried out on the subject of academic accomplishment and category sizes suffered from hapless sampling, methodological defects, or unequal design of quasi-experiments ( Finn, 2002 ; Slavin, 1989 ) . Research, was called to go more sophisticated, and history for several effects on different groups of pupils ( i.e. accomplishment, ethnicity, English command ) within different contexts ( vitamin E, g, , school scene, category size, instructional methods ) . Meanwhile, it is notable to indicate out that research on category sizes at secondary or post-secondary degrees has been badly limited to this twenty-four hours. Although critics of the Glass and Smith analysis ( 1979 ) , such as Slavin ( 1989 ) , contended defects such as some surveies selected within the meta-analysis were of short continuance ( every bit small as 100 hours of differentiated direction ) , comparing disproportionate sizes ( one-on-one tutoring vs. 25 pupil category ) , or even measure topic of non academic nature ( such as tennis ) , most of these decisions were subsequently sustained by subsequent research on large-scale category size decrease undertakings carried out in the same decennary ( Finn, 1998 ) . In malice of methodological differences, the research synthesis carried out by Glass ( Glass, et al. , 1982 ; Glass & A ; Smith, 1978, 1979 ) , Slavin ( 1984, 1986 ; 1989 ) , and Robinson and Wittebols ( 1986 ) , all conclude that pupils enrolled in categories of less than 20 pupils perform better. Furthermore, smaller category sizes cause a important addition in academic public presentation particularly among the primary class ( K-3 ) . Robinson and Wittebols every bit good as the Smith, at Al. ( 1982 ) announced a new way in the research, bespeaking clearly that cut downing category size entirely would non do a direct addition in student accomplishment unless instructors adopt different schoolroom processs and instructional methods. Robinson besides pointed at the economically deprived pupils as those who were the most likely to profit from smaller categories, The apprehension of chairing factors such as instructor makings and pupil background in the relationship between category size and pupil accomplishment was further enhanced by a national survey conducted by the Policy Information centre ( Wenglinsky, 1997 ) . The survey originated from a school finance attack, trying to associate disbursement of public financess and the open end of schooling: academic accomplishment. Therefore, it is merely by the way that Wenglinsky stumbled on the connexion between category sizes and academic accomplishment. The graduated table of When Money Matters, non unlike the Coleman Report thirty old ages earlier, covered the state, with dramatically different decisions. Using district-level informations from three different databases maintained by the National Center for Educational Statistics, Wenglinsky grouped 10,000 fourth-graders in 203 territories and 10,000 eight-graders in 182 territories harmonizing to socio-economic satus. Figure 1. Wenglinsky ‘s Hypothesized Paths to Achievement The linking of these different databases allowed distinction between types of disbursement in a manner that would hold been impossible at the clip the Coleman Report was produced. Indeed, aggregated disbursement per pupil outgo can non account for the types of outgos incurred, some of which are positively linked to academic accomplishment while some are non. Furthermore, the Coleman Report was unable to see cost of instruction fluctuation across provinces. The National Assessment of Educational Progress database ( which drew the teacher-student ratio ) provided non merely academic achievement information of a countrywide pupil samples, but besides valuable information about the features of school clime. The Common Core of Data database gathered fiscal information at the territory degree ; eventually, the Teacher ‘s Cost Index database besides maintained by the U.S. Department of Education accounted for instructor cost derived functions among provinces. Through a series of multi variate arrested developments, Wenglinsky ‘s concluded that increasing school territory disposal and instructional outgos to increase teacher-student ratios, in bend, raises fourth-grader academic accomplishment in mathematics. Likewise, expenditures besides affect the public presentation of eighth-grade pupils. However, the increased teacher-student ratio is believed to diminish behavioural jobs among pupils and put a positive tone to school environment. These two variables are positively linked to an addition in academic accomplishment at that class degrees. Interestingly, passing on installations, school-level disposal, and expenditures to enroll extremely educated instructors are non found to be straight associated to academic accomplishment. And Wenglinsky to reason â€Å" Because the [ old ] surveies did non stipulate steps of school environment, the consequence of school disbursement on accomplishment as mediated by environment remains uncontrived. † ( Wenglinsky , 1997, p. 21 ) In the middle/junior high classs, academic accomplishment seems mediated by an increased in societal coherence created by smaller category. Again, this decision points at mediation between category size and academic accomplishment. Constructing a 2 by 2 factorial matrix uniting territory with above- and below-average socio-economic position ( SES ) and territories with above- and below-average instructor cost, Wenglinsky concludes that the largest additions in accomplishment in mathematics were obtained in territories with below-average pupil SES and above-average instructor cost. Study consequences indicate that higher teacher-student ratios in 4th class are positively associated with higher accomplishment in mathematics. In 8th class, teacher-student ratios is linked to a positive school environment ( low teacher- and student-absenteeism, regard of belongings, low category film editing rate, low tardiness rate, teacher control over instruction/course content ) . Po sitive school content, in bend was positively associated with higher accomplishment in mathematics. Large-scale State Experiments Project Prime Time Piloted foremost in 1981-82 in a limited-size experiment of category size decrease in primary classs K-2 with student-ratios of 14:1, the five-year undertaking initiated by Indiana Governor Lamar Alexander ( future Secretary of Education during the George H. W. Bush presidential term ) started in earnest in 1984-85 with category size decrease of 18:1 in classs K-3.. By 2008-09, project Prime Time was in its 25th twelvemonth of execution ( Indiana Department of Education, 2010 ) . A early execution survey ( McGiverin, Gilman, & A ; Tillitski, 1989 ) investigated the public presentation of 2nd grade pupils at the terminal of two old ages of decreased category size direction ( 19.1:1 ) demonstrated a greater academic accomplishment in reading and math measured by standardised trials than their opposite numbers in big categories averaging 26.4 pupils. Six indiscriminately selected schools and school corporations ( territories ) with pupils that had received intervention were compared to three schools whose pupils were included in control groups. 1,940 Prime Time pupil tonss on standardised trials ( Cognitive Ability Test – Cat, Iowa Test of Basic Skills – ITBS ) in mathematics and reading in 10 surveies were compared to the related public presentation of 2,027 pupils from larger categories. The Fisher reverse chi-square calculation for schools with smaller category sizes with a ratio 19:1 was important ( I†¡2 =190.45, df = 40, P & lt ; .001 ) , and the surveies mean differences between groups divided by the two groups pooled standard divergence were averaged within a meta-analysis to give an consequence size of.34 SD for all subtests ( p. 51 ) . This analysis suggests that Prime Time pupils enrolled in smaller category perform better academically. Yet, interestingly, the Indiana Department of Education provinces on its Prime Time web page ( Indiana Department of Education, 2010 ) that â€Å" Lowering category size, entirely, will non convey approximately better learning and larning. † Although the really rule of category size is non disputed here, quality direction and pupil battle seem to be emphasized. Undertaking STAR From 1985 to 1989, the Student Teacher Achievement Ratio undertaking ( STAR ) , carried out in Tennessee, was the first statewide randomized category size decrease experiment of the sort, affecting 76 schools, 1,200 instructors and 12,000 K-3 pupils over four old ages. Students were indiscriminately assigned to either a little category ( typically 13 to 17 pupils ) , a regular category ( 22 to 26 pupils ) , or a regular category with a full-time instructional adjutant. Teacher assignments were besides randomized. This constellation continued over the four old ages of the experiment and informations were collected from assorted beginnings including instructor interview, pupil public presentation informations, schoolroom observations, and teacher questionnaires. Students were kept in this constellation from kindergarten for a sum of four old ages, until completion of class 3. The undermentioned twelvemonth, all pupils return to life-size categories. In classs K through 3, the pupils en rolled in little categories systematically performed better than their regular category opposite numbers on standardised trials ( Stanford Achievement Test ) . Effect sizes calculated as the mean mark for little category ( S ) minus the mean mark for regular category ( R ) and teacher-aide category ( A ) constellations [ S- ( R+A ) /2 ] expressed in standard divergence unit after four old ages. All pupils benefited from the smaller categories. Data collected in classs K-3 indicate higher academic accomplishment in little category constellations, with attainment steps runing from +.15 to + .25 standard divergence as compared to larger category constellation public presentation. However, consequence sizes of academic accomplishment were typically two to three times larger for minority pupils than for White pupils ( Finn, 1998 ; Finn & A ; Achilles, 1999 ) . Follow-up informations were collected in subsequent old ages, from grade 4 to 8, proposing that accomplishment additions were maintained after intervention ( Finn, Pannozzo, & A ; Achilles, 2003 ) . The design of the survey was strengthened by the within-school execution of the three const ellations ( S, R, and A ) which allowed for better control of potentially confusing variables such as school scene ( urban, suburban, rural ) , the socio-economic position of the pupils, per-pupil outgos, and gender of the pupils. All differences were found to the advantage of the little category size surpassing the other two constellations. Gender and school scenes were non found to do important interaction on academic accomplishment. In contrast, Hanushek ( 1999 ) noted that pupil abrasion, transverse taint of control and experimental groups, non-random assignment of instructors ( administrator choice ) , and possible Hawthorne consequence potentially undermined the experimental sturdiness of STAR. Isolating cohorts of pupils who remained in the plan for four old ages ( 48 % of the preschoolers ab initio enrolled ) , Hanushek calculated the public presentation of both control and experimental groups to be much lower. For case, while third-grade pupils in little groups perform 0.22 z-score above the control group, the spread between experimental and control cohorts after four old ages was merely 0.14. Similarly, in mathematics, the spread between annual samples and 4-year cohort for the same class decreased from 0.18 SD to 0.10 SD. The intervention consequence was mitigated by pupil mobility and perchance pupil SES since pupils with lower SES demonstrated higher mobility. Does this means that category size should non be considered? Probably non, the grounds indicates that category size decrease affects pupils otherwise ( Finn & A ; Achilles, 1999 ) . Answering to Hanushek ‘s claims of added value and limited persisting effects, research workers ( Finn & A ; Achilles, 1999 ; Nye, Hedges, & A ; Konstantopoulos, 2004 ) pointed out that public policies should aim urban schools with larger poorness pupil populations. In decision, most of the grounds in favour of category size lies in the fact that smaller categories benefit pupils otherwise harmonizing to their fortunes. Based on this grounds, and despite the fact that instruction is non within its competency, the federal authorities ( United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Health Education Labor and Pensions. , 1999 ) actively promoted category size decrease, mentioning STAR has a Prima facie instance in favour of spread outing the little category size construct across the state. Until the terminal of the millenary, the category size argument aggressively divided advocates and oppositions of smaller category sizes as local authoritiess were sing extra outgos with the purpose at cut downing the inequalities that Coleman foremost reported as strongly associated to socio-economic position and races ( 1966 ) . The involvement in category size decrease as a tool to better academic accomplishment culminated in 1998 with the U.S Department of Education and the Office of Educational Research and Improvement commissioned a survey published by Finn ( 1998 ) . This study purported to be an overview of the old two decennaries ( late seventiess to late 1990s ) of research on category size decrease, with the end of supplying grounds to steer and prioritise national educational policies, and clear up inquiries related to academic effects, cost-benefit analysis of little category sizes, deductions for pattern and pupil behaviour. Finn based his statement by including merely robust big graduated table experimental designs, such as STAR. Undertaking Sage At about the same clip, Wisconsin ‘s Student Achievement Guarantee ( SAGE ) was launched as a five-year plan as an intercession aiming SES pupils in primary classs K-3. Initiated in 96-97 school twelvemonth, the plan design included four constituents: ( 1 ) category size decrease to run into a teacher-student ration of 1 to 15 ( including agreements such as two instructors for 30 pupils ) ; ( 2 ) extended school twenty-four hours ; ( 3 ) execution of â€Å" strict † course of study ; and, ( 4 ) staff development combined to a system of professional answerability. 30 schools from 21 school territories run intoing the SES standards of 50 per centum of low SES pupils ( based on free school tiffin engagement ) began the plan. K-1 was targeted the first twelvemonth, and classs two and three were added in subsequent old ages. 14 schools with normal category sizes ( typically 22 to 24 pupils ) in 7 territories take parting in SAGE were deemed comparable based on household incom e, accomplishment in reading, racial make-up, and K-3 registration. These provided for control informations in this quasi-experiment. The purpose of the research workers was to keep schoolroom cohorts integral across the five old ages of the plan. This set up would hold confirmed the determination that lower socioeconomic pupils most benefits from reduced category sizes as compared to other pupils. However, after the first twelvemonth of execution, moving under the force per unit area of parents, consequences within the experimental subgroup were contaminated, demoing no greater additions for pupils with lower SES ( Mosteller, 1995 ) . Anecdotal records by experimental group instructors suggest that pupils demonstrated fewer cases of riotous behaviour, an increased desire to take part, and a more appreciative attitude towards others ( Mosteller, 1995 ) . Teacher farther indicated that possible subject jobs could be handled in a timely mode, and that academic acquisition clip, includ ing reteaching and instructional distinction, could be blended within their lesson bringing. California Class Size Reduction ( CSR ) In 1996, following the successes of Project STAR and SAGE, the California legislative assembly provide schools with over one billion dollars to cut down category size. Unlike these plan, CSR in California was non experimental and affected a astonishing 1.6 million pupils at an jutting cost of 1.5 billion per twelvemonth ( Bohrnstedt & A ; Stecher, 1999 ) , efficaciously cut downing mean student-to-teacher ratios in classs K-3 schoolrooms from 28.6 pupils to no more than 20 pupils per instructor. By 1998-99, school twelvemonth 98.5 % of all eligible Local Education Authorities ( LEA ) had embraced this voluntary plan, serving 92 per centum of K-3 pupils enrolled in California schools ( Bohrnstedt, Stecher, & A ; CSR Research Consortium. , 1999 ) . Some territories, such as Modesto Elementary ( 18,000 ADA ) and other little LEAs did take non to take part as their category sizes were already vibrating around 25 pupils ( Illig, 1997 ) . At the terminal of its first twelvemonth of execution, some 18,400 extra instructors were hired, a figure that would increase a twelvemonth subsequently to 23,500 ( Bohrnstedt & A ; Stecher, 1999 ) . The undermentioned twelvemonth, school twelvemonth 1997-98, the Governor ‘s Budget suggested spread outing CSR to 4th class. The State Legislative Analyst ‘s Office ( Schwartz & A ; Warren, 1997 ) recommended against the enterprise, mentioning several obstructions hindering current and even future attempts of school reform through CSR in California, viz. : a deficit of qualified instructors, and a deficiency of suited installations. The rapid execution across three degrees, from kinder to 3rd class, departed from the theoretical accounts followed in Tennessee ( STAR ) and Wisconsin ( SAGE ) in that California CSR was introduced in three grade degree on the really first twelvemonth of category size decrease, a move that is widely regarded as counterproductive ( Achilles, et al. , 2002 ) . Although the initial per-pupil support of $ 600 was subsequently raised to about $ 800, the CSR plan was badly underfunded from the start as compared to the $ 2,000 per student extra support of undertaking SAGE ( Biddle & A ; Berliner, 2002 ) . California CSR besides presented considerable challenges as compared to STAR. First, whereas Tennessee big categories had been reduced from larger categories of 22-26 pupils down to smaller categories of 13-17, California ‘s overcrowded schoolrooms in the same primary classs averaged 33 pupils prior to CSR. Those pupils were besides much more diverse than their Tennessee opposite nu mbers. Furthermore, unlike California, Tennessee had infinite to suit category retrenchment ( Bohrnstedt, et al. , 1999 ) . For these grounds, CSR in California had unintended effects upon the hapless, the non-English talker, the really pupils it had set up to assist. Overcrowded urban schools providing to take down SES pupils experienced the greatest trouble in pulling qualified instructors and supplying equal installations ( Stecher, Bohrnstedt, Kirst, McRobbie, & A ; Williams, 2001 ) . Case and point: the California Legislative Analyst ‘s Office reported in the first twelvemonth of CSR execution that over 90 per centum of instructors in more flush territory are credential holders versus about 75 per centum in urban, low SES territories ( Schwartz & A ; Warren, 1997 ) . As a consequence, schools serving pupils with minority and low SES profiles were possibly the last 1s to profit from full execution. Contextual Factors Impacting Student Achievement ( TO BE CONTINUED )

My Aim in Life to be a Doctor Essay

Different peoples have different goals in their life. There are various professions like engineer, teacher, scientist, lecturer , doctor etc. But for achieving our aims we have to work from the very beginning. We also have to work very hard in proper way. Because without working sincerely we can’t achieve our set targets in our life. But for all these things we have to know our strength and weakness. The strength in a subject must be kept in mind for choosing the right path of success. I searched my plus and minus side of intelligence and knew that I have a strong memory power. I score also well in science subject . Therefore I decided to become a Doctor. It is because I judged my strength and I gave priority to my choice. As I am a girl this profession is quite suit to me. I usually read science and it was just like my dream to be a doctor. Second reason- One day when I was going with my family to market for marketing. I saw a poor man begging for his son. I saw that his son was dying because of a disease. I don’t know what was the disease. From that day I determined I will become a doctor to help the needy and poor people. It is a very rewarding and satisfactory job. I know that becoming a doctor is not a very easy task. It is a long journey of study to become a good doctor. But I have confidence in myself to accomplish the target. A doctor is someone who can help ill people anywhere anytime and can give his family good cure for health. Doctors are very respected people . There are many types of doctors like eye-specialist, skin-specialist etc. I want to become a medical doctor. It is distant from surgical work. Surgical job is not my favorite one. Many more can be written about â€Å"the aim of becoming a doctor†. I will elaborate this one in my next essay.

Definition and management of service quality Essay

Definition and management of service quality - Essay Example According to the manager of the Chesthunt Hotel, service quality is based on the quality, customer satisfaction and identification of customer value as either important or very important or very important. Those companies that have high quality of services as well as goods had higher market share, higher return on investment and asset turnover than companies with perceived low quality.If consumers somehow become better customers -- that is, more knowledgeable, participative, or productive -- the quality of the service experience will likely be enhanced for the customer and the organization. Because it affects those factors, then it certainly affects customer satisfaction, the link of service quality with customer satisfaction, which is, the degree of fit between customer's expectations and perceptions of service.Based on the perception of the manager, customer criteria determine the definition of quality and the variables that affect perceptions of quality. They explained that variab les may change with circumstance, experience, and time. In addition, service providers may influence the variables that drive customer perception to service quality. The perception of the customers may also vary by circumstances, time, and experiences. He also explained that the total perceived value of a service comes from two sources. First, customers perceive value that originates from the service act itself; second, customers perceive value that originates from the quality of the service act. ... On the other hand, quality is much difficult to define as it depends on the perception of the consumer. Basically it is defined in terms of being transcendent, customer led, or value led. The provision of quality customer service is a multi-faceted concept as a number of factors must be met by the hotel in order to achieve it. To integrate quality in service provision, it is important that the hotel has the right skills, resources and values. As quality customer service is influenced by various factors, the involvement of both hotel management and the employees must be present; in the case of Chesthunt it has been made clear that training alone is not sufficient for service quality (Ghobadian,Speller and Jones, 1994,p. 43). The commitment, leadership and adaptability of the management towards change are also important for quality service. The values and skills of the employees on the other hand, must be prioritized as well. They must be given enough empowerment to contribute effectively towards customer satisfaction. The importance of quality in customer service has been recognized by Chesthunt hotel. The management of Chesthunt hotel have applied prioritized quality in customer services, resulting to positive business outcome. Customer satisfaction, loyalty, employee satisfaction and profit growth are some of the main advantages of this business practice. In order to cope with the present business challenges, Chesthunt hotel have implemented different strategies that will enhance their respective customer services. Consumer studies, trainings and application of information technology are some examples of the most commonly used strategies for customer services. Service delivery

Case analysis on PepsiCo's Diversification Strategy in 2008 Essay

Case analysis on PepsiCo's Diversification Strategy in 2008 - Essay Example Nevertheless, the challenge for PepsiCo is on how to improve its share of the international market, and how it would improve its sales in beverages and food commodities through appropriate market strategies. Recommendations Recommendation 1: Create an online retail market. This retail market can make their markets more accessible to the consumers, regardless of the consumers’ location. Tie-ups with local stores in the major cities and local stores can help direct the consumers towards areas where they can access the products they want. Recommendation 2: Increase accessibility of goods by increasing the number of products in the local stores and shops. More local stores must have their supply of PepsiCo products, from the beverages to their food items. Such goods must reach as many stores in both the cities and the rural areas in as many countries as possible. The company can provide online link-ups to these stores – to give local consumers the opportunity to access thes e goods through the internet and have them delivered to their homes or be picked up in the stores. Recommendation 3 Take out advertisements and commercials to run in the TV, newspapers, and similar media using the local talents or familiar celebrities in these countries. These advertisements can also run in magazines and in shopping areas, using these familiar and local celebrities. Promotional tours for these celebrities can also be used to assist in establishing the popularity and patronage of the products. Tie-ups with local activities in these countries can also be carried out. Significant factor list: 1. Its rival company Coca-Cola has created a formidable international market with a firm footing on many developing nations. 2. Its Quaker Oats products are not popular brands and products outside the United States. 3. Its recent acquisitions like Quaker Oats and Frito Lay Brands have not been popular brands outside the United States. Product lines like Fritos Corn Chips, Captain Crunch Cereal, and Cracker Jack popcorn, among others are not popular and strong products outside the United States. For the most part, these products are expensive purchases for other states, especially the developing nations. 4. The international crisis has affected sales for most major corporations operating in the local and in the international market. 5. Some of the local stores in countries outside the United States do not carry the PepsiCo and Quaker Oats products. 6. PepsiCo has not reached the local and cultural level of consumer appeal. It lacks a connection with the local people and such disconnect makes it more difficult for the company to be more appealable to the local consumers. 7. Environmental concerns on water consumption have been raised and have called for the company’s participation in conservation efforts. This implies higher production costs for the corporation. Justification of each recommendation Justification for Recommendation 1 Almost everything an d everyone these days is online. PepsiCo must take advantage of this new medium in order to ensure that its products would reach the most number of people in the international market. The internet is one of the most convenient, innovative, and time-saving technologies available today. It is a medium which allows users

Realism Vs. Liberalism in terms and regards of International Relations Essay

Realism Vs. Liberalism in terms and regards of International Relations - Essay Example This research will begin with the statement that theories are established or evolved as a way of explaining a complex and often opaque subject in a clear and useful way - when they resonate they become tools to explain and explore subjects. In these statements, a look will be to set a position between the theories of realism and liberalism to examine whether liberalism provides a viable alternative to realism when looking to understand international relations. An argue will be on that both realism and liberalism are useful theories when considering IR, they have two contradictory points. Bayliss and Smith describe these two theories as Realism being the natural party of government and Liberalism (as) the leader of the opposition. This analogy rather underplays the significance, application, and effectiveness of liberalism in our globalized world. Before exploring the various theories to explain international relations, we should first consider what is meant by the term International relations can be used to describe the academic pursuit to gain an understanding of how nations interact with each other. In the globalized and multi-stakeholder world that now subsists, that a center of concentration entirely on the states implicated will not be able to fully explain the actions and reactions on the international stage. In this essay, it is described international relations as the interactions of all stakeholders involved in setting nationally interested policies and the related diplomacy required to execute said policies.

Economic Commentary Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Economic Commentary - Essay Example They are both asking China to implement what it had already agreed to which is the imposition of a lower ten percent tariff. In fact, the United States threatened in 1995(Baumol, 1998) (was ist baumol) to impose a one hundred percent tariff (100%!) on Japanese cars entering the United States if Japan will not remove its protectionist policy on car importations. Unless Japan would open its doors to United States automobiles, the one hundred percent tariff would push through. Korea and Japan have been charged by domestic competing companies in the United States of DUMPING their goods at very low prices( Baumol, 1998). The United States companies are protected by putting up maximum goods called quotas that each country is allowed to export to the United States. The United States and the European Union member states are trying to impose that all countries adopt a free trade policy where each country is allowed to import and export goods to and from other countries. The local industries fight back importation of lower priced goods by asking government to increase the tariff on such imported goods. The government, then, is torn between implementing the low tariff rules of a free trade industry and to PROTECT its domestic industries from the flooding of imported low priced and high quality imported goods. Advocates in the United States contend that the United States cannot live in a free trade market if the countries it deals with is imposing a protectionist policy. In this scenario, the protectionists will eventually win over the free trade states. The protectionist states want to export their goods to the free trade countries but does not want to import the goods from the free trade country at lower tariff rates. Table (das hier sieht gut aus) 1 below shows the cost of protectionism to consumers in the United States Market as : Industry Cost per United Sates job saved Apparel $139,000 Costumer Jewelry 97,000 Shipping 415,000 Sugar 600,000 Textiles 202,000 Women's footwear 102,000 Source: Gary C Hufbauer and Kimberley Ann Elliott, Measuring the Costs of Protectionism in the United States ( Washington D.C., Institute for International Economics, January, 1994) Table 1.3 pp. 12 - 13 Advantages of Protectionist policy Domestic industries are protected from competition against foreign companies which in this case produce better quality spare parts as compared to locally made Chinese made spare parts. In fact, the European union has put up tariffs on Chinese clothing and shoes saying that the Chinese government is putting up the money to give

Stevie Wonder's Misrepresented People Research Paper

Stevie Wonder's Misrepresented People - Research Paper Example Most of the African Americans were subject to â€Å"forced labor† (Boundless Learning 178; Butler 126). They were literally deprived of having the opportunity to gain access to proper education but also to get some decent paying jobs, attend churches, enter a hotel, have the right to vote, or to even participate in politics (Tischauser 86). Due to hatred, most of the African Americans were also not allowed to reside in the West (Tischauser 86). Back then, only 8% of the African Americans were treated as free (Boundless Learning 178). Instead of receiving formal education in schools, most of them were taught by the Muslim people. During the 17th century, the Europeans did not only enslave the African Americans but also â€Å"committed genocide against indigenous Americans† (Zach 169). â€Å"In the so-called â€Å"Land of God† My kind were treated hard. From back then until now I see, and you agree— We have been a misrepresented people† (2) â€Å"Fro m back then until now Just see my family tree; We have been a misrepresented people. We have been a misrepresented people.† (3) The second and third stanza expresses the idea that God created all human kind equally; yet they were treated badly by other race because of their â€Å"skin color† (Tischauser 86). ... (4) The fourth stanza talks about the development on how the African Americans were made free from forced slavery. In relation to Berlin’s Freedom Project, the African Americans became active in fighting for their â€Å"liberalization† and â€Å"emancipation† (Barney 56). After the African American soldiers went through a series of civil war, the African Americans had finally won their freedom from slavery (Barney 56). In fact, the civil war back then became a significant part of the American Revolution which has lead to the development of the concept of democracy and equality (Alexander and Rucker xxxiv). It was in the 20th century when the African Americans had finally had a complete freedom from their past. It was also in the 20th century when the African Americans were free to speak out their thoughts and ideas. â€Å"But while I prayed to God My moms and pops got whored. From back then until now You’ll see our history; We have been a misrepresented p eople†. (5) â€Å"From back then until now Just see my family tree; We have been a misrepresented people Yes, we have been a misrepresented people†. (6) â€Å"Though we march across time, A sea of victories, We have been a misrepresented people†. (9) The fifth, sixth, and ninth stanza strongly suggest that no matter what the African Americans do, there are still some people around the world who looks down on them. Over the past few decades, the African Americans have fought for their freedom and equal rights as human beings. Yet, despite winning a lot of victories over their freedom, some of them are still experiencing inequality and racial discrimination. All these are very much evident with the kind of job and educational opportunity that majority of the

DISCUSSION QUESTION RESPONSE Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 10

DISCUSSION QUESTION RESPONSE - Essay Example It is true that in higher education, high level of professionalism is expected. My personal though is that the quality of higher education determines the level of professional competence. This is because higher education is responsible in developing and nurturing professionalism in all aspects of the society. We have worked in the military together for some time and travelled to other countries. I noted the same concern with you that the standards of education in our country need to be improved so that the country can improve the standards of professional competence. For instance, professionalism in the military largely depends on the quality of learning and training received from learning institutions and training camps. In your conclusion, you pointed a very important concern for the public. Americans really need to understand the strong correlation between professional competence and higher education. This way, they will be able to uphold the standards and integrity of education thereby improving the standards of professional competence in the

How the East Has Created Opportunity In Adversity for Uniting And Research Paper

How the East Has Created Opportunity In Adversity for Uniting And Reinforcing Its Community - Research Paper Example more, reports have been made of the total abandoning of the indigenous Chinese music, which was otherwise expected to serve as the dynamic community identity of the people of China (Nicholls, 2013). In other countries of the East, there are prevailing influences of foreifn language in the core educational curriculum of their schools where native languages that used to be the lingua franca and medium of instruction no longer exit (Hyer, 43). There is also a prevailing situation characterized by total neglect for the core Eastern culture of manners and courtesy that was rooted in the type of family system that was practiced before (Zhang, 2013). In such countries, the nuclear family system has taken the place of extended family system and thus led to an individualistic society being created. Effect of Western influence on the East With multiple cases and instances of the overflow of Western culture in the East, particularly in areas of music studies in schools, debate has gone on as to what the possible effects and repercussions of the phenomenon could be for the East. In the opinion of some commentators, the effect has actually started already and is negative effects. Leffer (98) has for example stated that the East has currently lost its cultural identity, which could be nurtured into a very important economic competitive advantage for the region (Prakash 35). Indeed, there is sufficient evidence to back this claim, even though counter arguments exists. A typical evidence of this is the fact that when the East is able to consolidate its community through the preservation of its cultural entities, it would be in a position to brand most of its products and services as peculiar brands, that would have had trade patronage for the fact that it was unique to the East. A... This article stresses that there has been other form of opportunities that the East has created in adversity for uniting and reinforcing its community. One of these is by coming out with a number of groups, organizations and agencies that gather the collective community identities of the larger East into a common forum or platform, where there can be a larger representation of the ideas and ideals of the East. This paper has been a very useful academic exercise in identifying the state of the East in terms of the preservation of the values of its community, as rooted in the exhibition of Eastern culture. Generally, it has been realized that globalization has taken a very bad side of the East, whereby it has brought about a penetrated urge for cultures of non-Eastern origins to take dominion of the Eastern community. It can be concluded that as much as globalization and trans-cultural existence may have its own advantages and merits, these advantages can never be compared to the benefits that the East derives by holding on to its own cultural heritage, values and principles. The benefits are actually estimated to be diverse and take all forms of Eastern civilization including political importance, economic importance, social importance and environmental importance. It is not surprising therefore that various advocacy groups have showed up in a bid to help in the promotion and reinforcement of the East as a community.

Biographical Analysis of the Crucible Essay Example for Free

Biographical Analysis of the Crucible Essay What lies deep down in the Crucible characters that not everyone can see? The former husband of Marilyn Monroe managed to keep one aspect of his life private from the media for over four decades. Was it because of shame, selfishness, or fear? The Crucible is based on the Salem Witch Trials of 1692. Miller has read all about the Witch Trials, but has never really understood it until he read the book published by Charles W. Upham, the mayor of Salem at that time (â€Å"Why I Wrote The Crucible†). He knew right away that he had to write about that time period. Even though the play provides an accurate representation of the trials, the truth lies in Arthur Miller’s past history. Pursuing this further, Arthur Miller has hidden a life-long secret that recently has come out. When his son, Daniel was born, Miller was very happy, but immediately knew something was wrong. The doctors had diagnosed the baby with Down syndrome. He was the son of Miller’s third wife, Inge Morath. Miller said. â€Å"I’m going to have to put the baby away†, but Inge wanted to keep him (â€Å"Arthur Miller’s Missing Act†). Within days the baby was gone. They sent him to one of the Connecticut institutions for the mentally retarded. Inge went to see him every day, but Arthur never wanted to set eyes on him. Afterwards, nothing was mentioned of Daniel. He was cut out from Miller’s life. Was it because of selfishness, or fear that the world will know? His personal story seems to contradict his theme in The Crucible. Through the character Abigail Williams, we can see that people are willing to give up and abandon their connection with their own values in order to protect themselves. Just as Abigail hid the fact that she had an affair with John Proctor, Arthur Miller has hidden the fact that he also had a brief affair with Marilyn Monroe. Abigail William is the girl who leads this play into disaster. She is most responsible for the meeting in the woods and when Paris finds out, she tries to conceal it as fast as possible, because if she reveals that she has cast a spell on Elizabeth, it will reveal the affair she had with Elizabeth’s  husband, John Proctor. To protect herself from future punishment that may come, she starts to accuse others of witchcraft. By telling lies, that is how she manipulates the whole town into believing that she is innocent (Miller 114-115). Abigail is independent and she knows that nothing is out of her grasp. Once she finds herself attracted to Proctor, she won’t suppress her desires that she wants him. However many times she reviews her memories, the more she is sure that she is the ideal wife for John. The only thing in the way is Elizabeth. Declaring witchcraft among the majority will keep the secret out of reach. She uses this to create fear and intimidation among the townsmen people. The only reason her evil little plan is working is that the girls have got her back. She has threatened them with violence if they refuse to do as she says. â€Å"Now look you. All of you. We danced. And Tituba conjured Ruth Putnam’s dead sisters. And that is all. And mark this. Let either of you breathe a word, or the edge of a word, about the other things, and I will come to you in the black of some terrible night and I will bring a pointy reckoning that will shudder you. †¦ And I can make you wish you had never seen the sun go down!† (Miller 20). In order to get Proctor, she must eliminate Elizabeth and choose her individuals she will accuse wisely. She thinks nothing of the fact that the individuals will be hanged based upon her accusation. When she sees her plan failing, she will react the same by not showing any signs of fear. She has condemned Proctor to hang and flees right away from the town, leaving all the action well behind. John Proctor is the protagonist of the play, while Abigail is the antagonist. One of his flaws is his temper. Proctor leads to shouting and even physical violence. There are occasions in the play where he threatens to whip his wife, servant, and even his ex-mistress, Abigail. He was the average good man, who owned a farm and was respected by everyone he knew. He had three children a good wife to raise a family with and all was well until Abigail came into his life. At first Abigail was the housekeeper, who has quietly come into the life of Proctor. He must have been tempted by her fiery personality, which he cannot resist. This affair only happened, because at that time Elizabeth was sick, which allowed Abigail to make her  first move. John may have also been attracted to Abigail’s personality shown in Act 1. She tells John that the witchcraft isn’t true and that the girls were just having a party with Tituba. â€Å"PROCTOR, his smile widening: Ah, you’re wick ed aren’t y’! You’ll be clapped in the stocks before you’re twenty† (Miller 22). From this line we can conclude that Proctor is charmed by Abigail’s naughty tricks. The temper of John Proctor ties into the anger of Arthur Miller towards the McCarthy hearings. The Crucible relates to the McCarthy hearings, because Arthur Miller claimed to have written The Crucible to criticize the theme, while many people saw the resemblance between the Salem Witch Trials and the McCarthy Hearings. Just like McCarthy, the people of Salem were not interested in facts; instead, they took their hatred towards the people of their community. Miller himself was brought to the House of Un-American Activities Committee and was falsely accused of Communism. (â€Å"Fear as Governance: Arthur Miller The Crucible as Contemporary Reflection†). For the first two acts we see John doing little effect to the play. However, when Act 3 comes into play, he is there to protect his wife. He has three weapons that he can use against the court. First is Abigail’s admission that there was no witchcraft, proof from Mary Warren that the girls were faking, and the fact that he had an affair with Abigail. All this declines in the favor of Abigail. He only ends up ruining his name and getting himself condemned for witchcraft. The only way to save him from being hanged is by admitting that he is with the Devil and that he justifies that he was a bad person anyway. Horror struck when asked to sign his name. By signing his name he believed he will be signing his soul away. Even though, he is so close to being free once again, he refuses to sign his name. He says, â€Å"I do think I see some shred of goodness in John Proctor. Not enough to weave a banner with, but white enough to keep it from such dogs.† (Miller 144). At first we may believe that The Crucible is just a story about witch trials that took place in Salem, but by paying a greater attention to the  minor details we can understand that the book has another meaning to it. Every detail can be connected to Arthur’s personal life.

Development of Cognition and Language

Development of Cognition and Language Michael Leo Glynn Research in the area of the development of cognition and language has a long tradition; yet, until recently it has not been possible to ascertain how infants think as they are not able to communicate verbally. It could be argued that language provides concepts that are used to organise thinking, and this premise suggests that infants are neither able to think, nor possess knowledge before they learn language. However, recent research employing innovative experimental methods, allows inferences into how infants’ minds function before they acquire language. This essay will outline relevant research and highlight some methods used to examine how preverbal infants think and categorise the world before they can talk, and will challenge the view that infants have not developed the ability to conceptualise before language acquisition. It will also examine how both language comprehension and language production develops, and discuss how infants are able to distinguish speech. In doing so, it will acknowledge nativist and empiricist perspectives, whilst considering conflicting views of developmental theorists. Perspectives conflict in the way in which it is assumed cognition develops on a continuum from innate ability to experiential learning. Theories offered by Chomsky (1965) in relation to language-specific mechanisms, for example, are from a nativist viewpoint. In contrast, behaviourists, e.g., Skinner (1954) take an empiricist stance advocating that development is primarily a result of learning (Oates and Grayson, 2004). Piaget (1955) and Vygotsky (1962) hold similar views towards the constructive nature of cognitive development and the role that language plays, agreeing that language is elaborated through complex interactions between an infant and their environment. However, Piaget submits that language is dependent upon fundamental constructs of thought for development, whereas, Vygotsky takes a social constructivist view and sees language as necessary for developing thought; furthermore, that thought and language are two separate functions that merge at around 2-years old (Bancroft and Flynn, 2005). Piaget observed infants talking to themselves, which he termed ‘egocentric speak’ (Oates and Grayson 2004), a symbolic function that enables infants to internally construct verbal thought. Vygotsky, in contrast, viewed this as only the first step, and that social interaction with others using language as a ‘cultural tool’ is crucial for language development (Oates and Grayson, 2004). Research has continued apace since Piaget and Vygotsky’s studies and, whilst their influences remain, there is now compelling evidence that preverbal infants can establish links between experiences, construct categories, group them, and in doing so form concepts much earlier than previously assumed. Based upon Frantz’s (1963) familiarisation/novelty preference method, whereby visual fixation duration for one stimulus over another confirmed that infants can perceptually categorise, Younger and Gotlieb (1998) conducted controlled experiments with infants aged 3, 5, and 7 months. Infants were familiarised with distorted prototype dot patterns ranging from good, intermediate, to poor before being shown a control pair comprising a previously shown non-distorted exemplar and an unfamiliar novel exemplar. With one exception all groups preferred to focus upon the novel prototype, thereby indicating that they had formed a category representation due to the familiarisation of the distorted set of exemplars. Results suggested that infants are able to organise their thinking, and although the greatest ability to preferentiate was present at 7 months, all infants possessed a degree of cognition. Quinn et al. (1993), using pictures rather than patterns, arguably providing more ecological validity, demonstrated that infants are also able to categorise animals: discriminating cats from other species such as birds, dogs and horses and, furthermore, able to discern related species (Eimas and Quinn, 1994). Behl-Chadha’s (1996) experiments revealed that infants aged 3 to 4 months are also capable of forming hierarchical structures similar to adults. A novelty preference method using familiar furniture objects as a ‘class’, at a global level, revealed that infants are able to distinguish between chairs and couches at a basic/intermediate level. Experiments using photographs of mammals found that infants, in common with adults, are also able to form global category representations for wide-ranging classes of stimuli (Quinn and Oates, 2004). Further studies by Younger and Gotlieb (1998) indicate that infants use two processes to store categories, an ‘exemplar memory’ for small numbers of instances where every example is stored, and a ‘prototype abstraction’, for large numbers of instances whereby an average of the examples are stored. Their findings suggest that infants employ two strategies to categorise across global/superordinate, basic/intermediate, and specific/subordinate levels. Object examination experiments sought to identify whether infants construct or deconstruct from basic to global levels of category representations or vice versa, and findings tend to support that the latter occurs easier and earlier (Quinn and Oates, 2004), suggesting that prototype abstraction develops before exemplar memory. Studies by Quinn (1994), using similar methods illustrate that infants are also capable of spatial category representation, e.g., above as opposed to below, and between rather than outside. Sensor modality cues are also an important factor in how infants form category representations and there has been much interest in how infants focus upon specific attributes that provide these cues. Quinn and Eimas (1996b), amongst others, employed methods that systematically varied the attributes of an exemplar shown to infants which revealed that they formed categories based upon the presence of a cue, but were unable to form category representations in its absence (Quinn and Oates, 2004). Rakison and Butterworth (1998) employing a sequential touching procedure, the categorisation of toy objects, with older infants, also reported evidence that specific aspects of an exemplar are a cue that enables differentiation between global categories. Using dynamic point light display methods, Arterberry and Bornstein (2002) found that dynamic movement cues can also be attributed to how infants form category representations, where infants were able to distinguish, by movement, animals from objects. Two competing theories exist as to how categories mature into concepts. In accord with the Piagetian viewpoint, a single-process model suggests that language, amongst other exemplars of information, contribute towards an infant’s cognitive ability to develop category representations: a process described as ‘quantitative enrichment’ (Quinn and Eimas, 2000), e.g., enrichment of category representations by infants learning to name objects with their caregivers (Quinn and Oates, 2004). Mandler (1997) addressed the issue of whether there is a developmental progression from category to concept and theorised that perceptual categorisation, the ‘knowing’ that something exists, occurs before conceptual categorisation, the forming of concepts including ‘thinking’ and ‘understanding’ (Quinn and Oates, 2004). Mandler (1992, 2000) suggests a two-process model arguing that perceptual and image schemas, in parallel, lay the foundation for m ature concepts. Perceptual schemas describe features, whereas image schemas allow for abstract features of how exemplars behave leading to the formation of true concepts. This accords with Paiget’s theory of structures and stages of development being marked by characteristic modes of thought (Bancroft and Flynn, 2005). A similar dual-process theory, Karmiloff-Smith (1986), describes an infant’s developmental process as knowledge moving from being implicit and procedural to explicit. Karmiloff-Smiths ‘representational re-description’ model suggests that practise at procedural level is required for knowledge to be re-described as an ‘object of thought’. Research supports that preverbal infants have learned how to form categories, possess a capacity for complex recognition strategies, and have the basic cognitive building blocks for language to develop. However, it is the point at which language begins to emerge, the nature of the relationship between category learning and identifying word sounds in speech, understanding them, categorising them, and reproducing them that is debatable. Speech production is dependent upon comprehension which requires: identification of a word from a speech stream; remembering the word sound for recall; association with an object or action; repetition; then using the word in an appropriate context (Harris, 2004). This empirical viewpoint suggests language needs to be learnt and is not innate. However, DeCasper and Spence (1996) found that prenatal infants are capable of recognising speech sounds; furthermore, research indicates that 4-week-old infants show a propensity towards their mother’s voic e (Mehler and Dupoux, 1994). Experiments by Mehler et al. (1994) report that younger infants favour the familiar language of their surroundings. Christophe and Morton (1998) language comparison experiments attributed this phenomenon to a preference for prosodic patterns, predicting and finding that 2-month-old infants could distinguish English from Japanese, but given the similarities between English and Dutch could not do so. The ability of infants to exploit prosodic cues to bound words was further investigated by Johnson and Jusczuk (2001), who elaborated that transitional probabilities, the ability to detect and remember syllables, also contributes toward language comprehension. Infants are capable of category learning prior to language acquisition, therefore it seems plausible that category learning must be achieved before language production, and it is at this point that changes in an infant’s developing vocal track support the production of their first words, whilst at the same time learning to categorise words and relate them to objects, e.g., the formulation of a word category for cat and then labelling the category. Vygotsky’s social constructivist viewpoint holds that relating words to objects and actions occurs within a social context. Bruner (1975, 1993) elaborates the view that first words emerge within familiar social contexts; however, he did not proffer the extent to which they grow out of experience. The empirical view supports the notion that the production of words involves repeating the sound of a word as it is experienced and in an appropriate context. Harris et al. (1983) support Vygotsky’s view of embedding language i n socially meaningful activities, and found that infants use words in a similar way to their mothers during social routines; furthermore, that comprehension is enhanced by qualitative enrichment: clarifying actions such as gazing, pointing and touching objects, e.g., a toy cat, as cues for an infant to relate words to objects (Harris, 2004). However, as comprehension of words improves, infants are able to abstract them in other contexts. Hart (1991) attributed this non-reliance on experience to increased vocabulary ability. A vocabulary spurt occurs between 1 to 2 years and appears crucial to understanding the correlation between language development and categorisation. Gopnik and Meltzoff (1987) sought to substantiate a link between categorisation and language domains of development and whether they occurred simultaneously. Longitudinal studies observing infants between the ages of 15 to 20 months reported a significant relationship between the vocabulary spurt and categorisation, but did not find strong links between categorisation and other cognitive measures. Gopnik and Meltzoff (1992) were unable to establish whether the vocabulary spurt causes an improved ability to categorise or whether, indeed, the ability to categorise underpins language development (Harris, 2004). These findings compliment Vygotsky’s theory that language and thought are separate functions, and supports that until the point at which they merge infants only possess a basic comprehension of language which provides the buil ding blocks for higher-level thinking and the realisation of ‘true concepts’ (The Open University, 2006, p. 11). Evidence has identified that infants possess a degree of cognitive ability that allows for a basic understanding of language, albeit a rudimentary recognition of basic prosodic patterns and syllables. Prior to language acquisition infants are capable of forming, storing, and retrieving category representations and recognising cues, at both basic and global levels using exemplar memory and prototype abstraction. Category learning can also be distinguished from other cognitive skills as beneficial to language development and when infants start to use their first words, it is apparent that their ability to categorise visual objects evolves to forming abstract ideas. Moreover, as vocabulary increases the capacity to categorise provides for the transition from knowing to forming true concepts. Prior to contemporary methods of investigation, nativists may not have been able to attribute these capacities to anything but innate ability and recent approaches challenge this view. The capacity to categorise is not dependent upon language acquisition; rather it facilitates the foundation for language development. Notwithstanding that infants possess the physical and cognitive processes requisite for developing language, also essential are social interactions that provide rich social contexts in which they can develop cognition and language. This supports Vygotsky’s premise of language being a cultural tool that features significantly in the development of cognition. References: Arterberry, M. E. and Bornstein, M. H. (2002), cited in Quinn and Oates (2004) p. 42. Bancroft, D. and Flynn, E. (2005) ‘Early cognitive development’, in Oates, J., Wood, C. and Grayson, A. (eds), Psychological Development and Early Childhood, Oxford, Blackwell/The Open University. Behl-Chadha, G. (1996), cited in Oates and Grayson (2004) p. 36. Bruner, J. S. (1975), cited in Harris (2004) p. 73. Bruner, J. S. (1993), cited in Harris (2004) p. 73. Christophe, A. and Morton, J. (1998), cited in Harris (2004) p. 67. Christophe, A. and Morton, J. (1998) ‘Reading A: Is Dutch native English? Linguistic analysis by 2-month-olds’ in Oates and Grayson (2004) pp. 98-105. Chomsky, N. (1965), cited in Oates and Grayson (2004) p. 14. DeCasper, A. J. and Spence, M. J. (1996), cited in Harris (2004) p. 66. Eimas, P. D. and Quinn, P. C. (1994), cited in Quinn and Oates (2004) pp. 34-35. Fantz, R. (1963), cited in Quinn and Oates (2004) p. 28. Fantz, R. (1963) ‘Reading A: ‘Pattern vision in newborn infants’ in Slater and Oates, (2005) pp. 124-6. Gopnik, A. and Meltzoff, A. N. (1987), cited in Harris (2004) p. 54-55. Gopnik, A. and Meltzoff, A. N. (1992), cited in Harris (2004) p. 56. Harris, M., Jones, D. and Grant, J. (1983), cited in Harris (2004) p. 74-76. Harris, M. (2004) ‘First words’, in Oates, J. and Grayson, A. (eds), Cognitive and Language Development in Children, Oxford, Blackwell/the Open University. Hart, B. (1991), cited in Harris (2004) p. 89. Johnson, E. K. and Jusczyk, P. W. (2001), cited in Harris (2004) p. 70-72. Mandler, J. M. (1997), cited in Quinn and Oates (2004) p. 27. Mandler, J. M. (1992, 2000), cited in Quinn and Oates (2004) p. 44. Mehler, J. and Dupoux, E. (1994), cited in Harris (2004) p. 67. Mehler, J., Jusczyk, P. W., Dehaene-Lambertz, G., Dupoux, E. and Nazzi, T. (1994), cited in Harris (2004) p. 67. Oates, J., Sheehy, K. and Wood, C. (2005) ‘Theories of development’ in Oates, J., Wood, C. and Grayson, A. (eds), Psychological Development and Early Childhood, Oxford, Blackwell/The Open University. Oates, J. and Grayson, A. (2004) ‘Introduction: perspectives on cognitive and language development, in Oates, J. and Grayson, A. (eds), Cognitive and Language Development in Children, Oxford, Blackwell/the Open University. Piaget, J. (1923/1926), cited in Oates, J., Sheehy, K. and Wood, C. (2005) p. 66. Piaget, J. (1955), cited in Oates and Grayson (2004) p. 17. Quinn, P. C. (1994), cited in Quinn and Oates (2004) p. 37. Quinn, P.C. and Eimas, P. D. (2000), cited in Quinn and Oates (2004) p. 43. Quinn, P.C. and Eimas, P. D. (2004b), cited in Quinn and Oates (2004) p. 40. Quinn, P. C. Eimas, P. D. and Rosenkrantz, S. L. (1993), cited in Quinn and Oates (2004) pp. 34-35. Quinn, P. C. and Oates, J. (2004) ‘Early category representations and concepts’ in Oates, J. and Grayson, A. (eds), Cognitive and Language Development in Children, Oxford, Blackwell/the Open University. Rakison, D. and Butterworth, G. (1998), cited in Quinn and Oates (2004) p. 41. Skinner, B. F. (1953), cited in Oates and Grayson (2004) p. 14. The Open University, (2006), ED209 Child Development, Study Guide, Milton Keynes, The Open University Vygotsky, L. S. (1962), cited in Oates and Grayson (2004) p. 17. Vygotsky, L. S. (1986), cited in Bancroft and Flynn (2005) p. 72. Younger, B. A. and Gotlieb, S. (1988), cited in Quinn and Oates (2004) pp. 31-33.

RIM is Done Essay -- Business, Technology

Research In Motion (RIM) is a Canadian multinational telecommunications company headquartered in Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, that designs, manufactures and markets wireless solutions for the worldwide mobile and tele-communications market. They are mostly known for making the BlackBerry brand. When the BlackBerry was invented during the early 2000’s it was a huge hit. When 2011 came along, things starting to go downhill for RIM. Over the course of the year, they have lost more than 75% of their stock value. This caused a decline in investor’s confidence. However, they would have to deal with competition from Apple, faulty devices like Playbook turned consumers off, and frequent job cuts. If these points do not get dealt within the next 5 years they will declare bankruptcy and will cause a major impact in the cellphone industry. Competition from Apple is taking away potential sales from RIM. However, it is one of the few problems they must deal with in order for them stay in business. Apple is just one of the few competitors for RIM. On October 12th, Apple released the new iMessage and its new iPhone 4S and while that was happening, RIM was facing a worldwide outage that affected millions of people. People that were using the BlackBerry were sick, and tried having to deal with frequent outages, and decided to switch to the iPhone. That is another reason why competitors like Apple are doing a lot better because of selection. Rim’s phones are out-dated compared to those other firms’. Consumers have more choices today, and in many cases, the alternatives are superior. The BlackBerry has a single-core chip inside with a 640x480 screen, compared to the Apple, which has two-cores and 640x960 screens. On March 11th 2011, Apple release... ...ada – CBC News, December 15, 2011 RIM looking anemic: Revenues down, more job cuts on the way, PlayBook sales negligible, September 15, 2011 RIM stocks drop 23 per cent after BlackBerry maker reports poor Q2 performance – Global News, September 16, 2011 RIM timeline – theSpec.com, January 23, 2012 Exclusive: Amazon weighed buying RIM, interest cooled – Yahoo! Finance, January 12, 2012 Is Lazaridis/Balsillie exit enough to save RIM? – Yahoo! Finance, January 23, 2012 Rim’s Chances For A Successful 2012: About Zero – BYTE, January 03, 2012 Rim’s Chances For A Successful 2012: About Zero – BYTE, January 03, 2012 RIM stock declines 8.4% following CEO step-down – Fudzilla, January 23, 2012 Ten things RIM's new CEO must do right away – CNET News, January 23, 2012 Microsoft, Nokia Reportedly Considering Rim Buyout – HotHardware, January 12, 2012

Biography of Karl Marx Essay -- Karl Marx Biographies Essays

Biography of Karl Marx 15Karl Marx was born on May 5, 1818 to Heinrich and Henrietta Marx in the historical city of Trier. Karl was one of seven children raised within a comfortable middle class home provided by his father. Marx’s father worked as a counselor-at-law at the High-Court of Appeal in Trier. David McClellan believes that, â€Å"Trier first imbued Marx with his abiding passion for history.†1 Although the Marx family was linked to a long lineage of Jewish ancestry, Heinrich converted his family to Protestantism in order to keep his position at the courthouse. â€Å"Some have considered this rabbinic ancestry to be the key to Marx’s ideas and see him as a secularized version of an Old Testament prophet.†2 Overall, Marx was raised in a very loving, supportive, environment, and maintained a special relationship with his father throughout his life.3 In 1830, Marx began school at the Friedrich-Wilhelm-Gymnasium, a Jesuit foundation that had become a respectable high school with a liberal headmaster. While in high school, Marx was known as a bully and acted more as a leader to the students than as a close friend. His marks were less than average in history related subjects, French, and mathematics. Marx, however, did earn excellent marks in Greek, Latin, and German.4 In 1835, Marx graduated from high school and fell in love with Jenny von Westphalen the daughter of a powerful politician. The couple was secretly engaged in the summer of 1836, but, because of their conflicting ancestries, their families would not allow the wedding to commence for seven years.5 After the couples engagement, Marx was enrolled into the University of Bonn on October 17,1835 as a stud... ... beyond him to change the world. Notes 1 David McClellan, Karl Marx: The Legacy (London: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1983), 11. 2 McClellan, 12. 3 Top Biography â€Å"Karl Marx: Ancestry and Birth† August 2000, (March 2002). 4 Eugene Kamenka, The Portable Karl Marx (The Viking Portable Library 1983), xiv. 5 Kamenka, xv. 6 Maximilien Rubel and Margaret Manale, Marx Without Myth (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1975), 12. 7 Top Biography 2. 8 Kamenka, xvi. 9 Kamenka, xvii. 10 McClellan, 20. 11 McClellan, 26. 12 Rubel and Manale, 85. 13 Kamenka, xix. 14 Karl Marx. 15 Marx/Engels Image Library